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NATO membership and the Western orientation
Since the signing of the Stabilisation and Association Agreement, and indeed before it, Albanian democracy has built its policies on one great aspiration: integration into the European Union and NATO structures. Today, after years of commitment, Albania enjoys the rights of NATO membership, while it is a “candidate country” for EU membership.
In broad terms, as Cooper says[1], “force, not goodwill, makes troubled countries feel secure”. In this regard, Albania, which since its beginnings as a state has faced a succession of problems and existential risks, has pursued exacting commitments to meet the requirements for joining NATO, one of the instruments of the United States’ politics of force.
In a Balkans always at risk of war, a guarantee of security has been a centuries-old Albanian dream. In a sense, this legitimised the hyperbole of some analysts who described membership as the “Third November” or “A New Recognition of Independence”. Prime Minister Berisha’s famous phrase, “For me this is a miracle of freedom!”, is also telling of that feeling.
But what many international-relations scholars, such as Zbigniew Brzezinski (Brzezinski Zbigniew, 2012), had to some extent anticipated has now happened. “The West is in retreat”, and the United States has somewhat reduced its role, influence and presence in foreign policy, especially under President Obama. In his “Strategic Vision”, Brzezinski, who expected this to happen around 2025, also considered the dangers that could accompany a weakening United States.
Describing how American uses of force have shaped events at different times, Brzezinski argues that states associated with US intervention may become more vulnerable as American power declines. Stronger regional neighbours could feel increasingly able to act against them, seeking to reclaim an established or claimed sphere of influence[2].
Regional relations and integration
Reading this global geopolitical climate, Albania has lately seemed more oriented towards the European Union in its diplomatic relations. In a sense, security is now guaranteed, even though sparks of conflict remain in the region, but securing trade relations has now been judged timely too.
This has brought a new approach to the upper ranks of our diplomacy, especially since the new government took office. With recent regional developments, it has adopted a visibly more strategic position towards the integration agenda, while somewhat downplaying relations with the United States in its discourse.
Meanwhile, domestic issues remain unresolved. A statement such as “The unification of Kosovo and Albania will happen in Brussels, through EU integration” is still enough to unsettle the political atmosphere with Serbia immediately.
On the other hand, Albania seems powerless to exert influence in Macedonia, despite appearing to be its friendliest state given the impasse in its relations with Greece and other countries in the region. The rights of Albanians there continue to be disregarded. Meanwhile, issues with Greece, such as the so-called “Law of War” or the “Waters Agreement”, remain unresolved, while official Athens denies that the “Cham question” exists.
Albania’s aspiration nevertheless remains the same: to follow Croatia’s example and join the European Union.
Diplomatic visits in 2015
In 2015, Albania saw several notable diplomatic developments, clearly reflected in visits by senior figures, some for the first time in history. In May, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan visited Albania.
After him, another visit strengthened the country’s image as a source of regional stability. For the first time, Serbia’s prime minister, Aleksandar Vučić, set foot on Albanian soil, a visit regarded as historic not only for Albania–Serbia relations but also for regional stability.
German Chancellor Angela Merkel’s visit on 8 July also made history in Albania–Germany relations. Her visit was part of a regional tour, but its beginning in Tirana gave it particular significance.
The summer also brought an important visit by Greek Foreign Minister Nikos Kotzias. Through him, the Greek state showed that, despite its crisis, it maintained the same strategic positions in its foreign relations. He delivered the familiar messages of Greek foreign policy on issues such as the Chams.
But the intensification of regional dialogue, with official Tirana playing a leading part, contributes to the overall picture, within which Albania’s aspiration has remained unchanged for at least 25 years: to become part of the West through integration into the European Union.
[1] Robert Cooper (2003): Shpërbërja e kombeve: Rend dhe kaos në shekullin e njëzet e një [The Breaking of Nations: Order and Chaos in the Twenty-First Century]. Translated by Ilir Gjoni. Dudaj Publications, 2011. Tirana, p.209
[2] Zbigniew Brzezinski (2012): Vizion strategjik – Amerika dhe Kriza e Fuqisë Globale [Strategic Vision: America and the Crisis of Global Power]. Translated by Virgjil Muci and Jorgji Qirjako. Institute of International Studies. Tirana, p.83